A seasoned political scientist and senior lecturer at the prestigious Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, Osun state undertakes the analysis of the security challenges befalling the Nigerian state.
In the absence of autonomizing mechanisms in the post-colonial state, the resources of physical coercion becomes the tools of particular groups, especially the hegemonic factions of the ruling class, and the affinity between the coercive institutions and these hegemonic has inevitably become particularly visible (Ake, 1985)
Conspiracy theories are often interesting, amusing and finger pointing. Apart from seeing everything and everyone from a fault standpoint, proponents of conspiracy theories are a bit delusional and self-serving. Of course people resort to conspiracy theories to explain existential threats, power relations and axis of domination. Its foundation is often in psychology and socio-political realms; basically power relations. A simple fact most commentators, including conspiracy theorists have conveniently ignored, is that most social and individual relations among humans are power relations.
It will be escapist, simplistic and sentimentalism (very popular with Nigerians on almost all issues) to conjure conspiracy explanations for the seemingly intractable fissures and upheavals in the Niger Delta in particular and other areas of Nigeria in general.
The above preamble is necessary to explain the emergency and operation of Niger Delta insurgencies, prominently now with the Niger Delta Avengers (NDA) as well as the nature and character of the Nigerian State, its operation and responses to anti-state elements, insurgencies and challenges to its authority. For long, insurgencies in Niger Delta has become the norm rather than the exception. The environmental conditions of the Niger Delta has become an eyesore and the almost total reliance on the resources of the region (oil and the revenue it generates) for national distribution has breed and tended to breed militancy and anti-state elements.
It is a known fact that the Niger Delta is part of the country named Nigeria with lots of crude oil that is the mainstay of the Nigerian Economy. Whether the people and society in Niger Delta have enjoyed commensurate benefits from the oils and its revenue in comparison to the environmental degradation and resulting disarticulation of life and economy in the region is open to debate. What however cannot be denied and is not debatable is the high incidence of poverty, joblessness and monopolization of the benefits that should accrues to the mass of the people by the local elites, official or unofficial, that straddles the whole gamut of life and business of the Niger Delta. Just as it is in all the socio-cultural and eco-political units in Nigeria (geo-political zones), and as it is common to the mass of Nigerians everywhere, the benefits that should ordinarily get to the people have been cornered and appropriated by these outwardly innocent but inwardly murderous elites that scavenges and feeds on the emotions, religions and fears of the people.
In such cases, resort to self-help and anti-state dispositions develop. Since the very downtrodden have nothing to lose, the brave ones among them becomes cults as being seen across Nigeria, particularly in Rivers State; ethnic champions, also evident in all geo-political zones, and militant anti-state elements as we now have with Niger Delta Avengers in South-South (Niger Delta) and Boko Haram in North East Nigeria. Their emergence is predicated on the political economy of survival and fear. It precisely these grounds that births groups and gangs that have become pains in the necks of the Nigerian State. Yet it would be simplistic to attribute their emergence to these factors alone without acknowledging the role by elites (sponsors) and would have lost out in the power politics and the patronage that comes with it. This is in addition to the perceive weakness of the Nigerian State and the pervasive debilitating corruption that has weakened the moral fibre of individuals, groups, society and the State in Nigeria. Detailed analysis of individuals, groups and society has been done in my Sociology of Politics in Nigeria. However, in this piece, I intend to link the Nigerian State with why groups like Niger Delta Avengers (NDA) and such groups are birthing, rising and flourishing and probable solutions.
As has been noted in my write ups, the Nigerian State arose, not through the social contract agreements as there is no evidence of such from oral history or archival materials and records; nor did she arose from natural evolution or divinely inspired as some commentators would have you believe; but developed/arose from the administrative and economic convenience of the British colonial administration. It was a forceful occupation and merger of disparate groups, societies and nations in the territorial landscape of what is presently known as modern Nigeria. This, British records have shown and is available for perusal for those interested.
The introduction of the colonial state which has metamorphosed into the present day Nigeria, is not without consequences. Such consequences are responsible for the weak nature of the State in Nigeria and contribute to the emergence of anti-state groups and elements that challenges state authority and power. More discussion of this will be done later in the paper. From its inception, the Nigerian State does not represent the people, unlike what obtains in Europe where the idea of the state became prominent after the treaty of Westphalia. In Europe, the elites and more importantly, the people were involved in its emergence.
The reverse is the case in Nigeria and much of Africa. People were not consulted nor was the amalgamation in Nigeria done at the behest of the local populace. Nigeria was decreed into existence by fiat. We have explained severally that the British colonial administration have always been brutish in Nigeria/Africa and centrally coordinated from London. This is the character and behavioural tendencies that the post-colonial state in Nigeria inherited at independence. It is far removed from the people it claims to represent and does not pretend to care for its citizens; while the citizens see the state as alien and view it with suspicion. It is a case of mutual alienation and suspicion. Where citizens’ rights are ignored, denied and trampled on, especially through non-involvement in the process of economic and political governance, pre and post-colonial Nigeria; resulting institutions, structures and processes are bound to create opposition, be challenged and if care is not taken, atrophy. This has been the sad lot of institutions and structures in Nigeria/Africa. Given this scenario, it was easy for groups and individuals to develop anti-state feelings and ossified where mutual interest appears same to challenge the authority of the state, either peacefully or through non-peaceful means, hence the proliferation of groups such as NDA and its kinds. This often leads to weakening of the authority and power of the State, or what scholars have called collapsing or failing state.
But it should be noted that the states in Africa or the State in Nigeria have not always been a collapsed or failed state inspite of their colonial origins. The critical junction at which this failure starts could be located at attempts at managing its affairs by local leaders at independence, particularly in conducting credible elections into governmental or state offices. Because of the structure and culture of alienation, non-responsibility and non-responsiveness of the pre and post-colonial state and its rulers, elections and access to power, from the beginning, has been problematic and this has caused untold problems for the proper functioning of the state. This is because individuals and groups that lose out in the power equation often resorts to self-help and anti-state activities, openly or secretly. These problems, or state failure, have two dimensions. One is the loss of legitimacy, that is, the gradual attenuation of the authority of the state due to refusal of dissatisfied citizens to obey the state on the grounds of their perception that the state is incapable or repressive or both; and the other is loss of efficiency, that is, the increasing malfunctioning of the state-which may be due to lack of resources or debt or moral burden; which in many areas makes the state irrelevant to the citizens. Most states in Africa including Nigeria is presently going through this phase.
Yet the society relates to the state in three basic ways. The first is through resistance of state influence and power. When individuals and people see the state penetrate into their lives, or their private domain invaded overtly or covertly, they put up resistance. This has happened time and time again especially in the Niger Delta area of Nigeria. The second way is through disengagement or withdrawal of individuals and groups from the operations of and positions in the state. And the third way is through incorporation. This happens when significant proportion of the population feel that it pays them to associate with the operations and activities of the state in order to derive certain benefits. Even though this rampant in African/Nigerian politics, especially its neo-patrimonial forms, the incorporation of state and people in form of patrimonialism have destroyed the autonomy of state. This is what is being canvassed in certain quarters between the Nigerian state and Niger Delta Avengers. It is simplistic, myopic and a short term solution of a fundamental structural problem of state and society relations.
What then can be done? But before answering the question, it is important to note things that are unnecessary and unhelpful. First, conspiracy theories needs to be discarded. It serves no purpose. Two, appeals to emotions, sentiments and rationality is an exercise in futility. Three, force would breed force and further corruption as well as more agitation and militancy. Thus, to answer the question about the way forward, it should be stated that there are no easy ways to solving deep structural, historical and groups’ issues bedeviling the Nigerian State- Society relations, especially the structure, character and nature of post-colonial state. However, there are two ways that can be attempted to provide a way out. The first is through a visionary and selfless leadership that is focused on recreating and restructuring the state structure, especially the president, given the large amount of power and influence embedded in the office. Experience from many developed countries and occasional oasis of such leadership in Nigeria/Africa, bear this out.
The second route is less desirable but effective as well. This is through either a violent revolution that would sweep away the parasitic, thieving and murderous elites, or through a non-violent revolution that would be achieved through mass participation of the people with reformed/masses oriented elites having the interest of the country and masses at heart. This would lead to restructuring and renegotiation of the structure and orientation of the State.
The mass participation would initially involve passive resistance and protest by the mass of people coordinated by a vanguard group. With these options and predicted outcome, groups such as Niger Delta Avengers, Boko Haram and other anti-state groups would become impotent and likely fizzle away. Either of the two option is a matter of time and cannot be wished away.
*Afolabi Olugbemiga PhD, He writes from Ile-Ife in Osun state.