In this interesting tell-it-all, Lt. Col. Ibrahim Yakassi goes down memory lane revealing some of the intrigues in the political administrations of former military head of state, Sanni Abacha.
Late Gen. Sanni Abacha
I have known Major Hamza El-Mustapha for 17 years. We have been together since our cadet days. He was with the former Head of State, General Sani Abacha. But in 1985, he had some problems with him. And was posted to Calabar. I was also posted to Calabar. I was there till the end of 1990 when I travelled to England.
By the time I came back in 1994, Mustapha and Abacha had made up. It was Mustapha who told me that I was needed in the Villa (Aso Rock) by Abacha in 1994 and I went.
Security at the Villa
The security at the Villa was made up of three main arms (a) the Brigade of Guards (b) the Strike Force (c ) the Military Police. But the two main arms are the Bridge of Guards (BG) and the Strike Force (SF). Mustapha was in charge of the security. And even though I am senior to him in rank, because he is (was) my friend, I never minded working under him, kind of. We really worked together. I am a medical doctor, but I doubled as a security officer.
Each time the C-in-C was to go out, I either went in the advance party or in the last party. You could say that I was Mustapha’s second in command but that could be wrong too because even though Mustapha was in charge of the Strike Force, there was a commander, Lt Ikilana. He was the commanding officer. The BG was made up of 300 soldiers while the strike force was made up of 80. I was trained in security matters, on the orders of the C-in-C in 1994. But even then, I was in charge mainly of the health of members of the outfit. (BG and SF).
Members of the outfit were trained in Libya and North Korea. Usually, it was Mustapha, Gwarzo and I who recommended those to be recruited into the outfit. But I examined them medically. Then we had an embarrassment in Libya. Four of the soldiers we sent for training there tested HIV positive. That was when an embarrassed Abacha now insisted that I must have all those recommended for training undergo an HIV test before they are sent to either Libya or North Korea. Anybody sent is usually given the sum of I I ,000 US dollars. So it was like a competition. Of all that were recommended for training, about 10 tested positive.
Usually, to make sure there is no mistake during the test for HIV, I first test them at Aso Rock Clinic. If it is positive, to make assurance doubly sure, I sent the sample to Dr. Njoku at Military Hospital, Lagos and then again to Edo Hospital, Abuja where a course mate of mine, Dr. Gammani, is in charge and then to a laboratory in England. All the steps were to make sure nobody was cheated. These can easily be cross-checked from Dr. Njoku and Dr. Gammani. Also, even those that tested positive, I used my money to have them treated at Edo Hospital, Abuja. But I had a problem here because of Mustapha. Anybody he did not want to be a member of the security outfit, because he had the final say, he would tell them: “Yakassai said you are not medically fit.” And this was a lie. Like I said, only 10 people, after the Libya embarrassment, were diagnosed by me as having the HIV virus.
Even though Mustapha was in charge of the security, all the money went to Alhaji Ismaila Gwarzo, who was the National Security Adviser. Gwarzo was always reluctant to release money for the outfit. He was in the habit of delaying it. Nobody knew what he was doing with the money. He could delay releasing money for between one to two months. The boys were angry and restless. At times, I would go to Kano and borrow money to give out to the boys. I borrowed from somebody like Alhaji Dan Kabo.
Then, in April 1997, things were very bad. Mustapha and I decided to go and meet Major General Edward Unimna who was in charge of the Petroleum Trust Fund, PTF (military). We told him of the problems we were having funding the security outfit. General Unimna asked us to put it in writing. We wanted the sum of N500 million. So we put it in writing. And he released the sum to us in two installments of N300 million and N200 million.
What we had planned to do with the money were:
(I ) Buy houses for the boys
(2) Buy vehicles for the boys
(3) General welfare.
I was the Liason Officer. The first N300 million, we used to buy vehicles and houses. We bought 23 houses at Gwarimpa Housing Estate, Abuja from Major General Adisa, former Minister for Works and Housing. The houses were for 23 officers, including Mustapha and 1.
Then we bought 26 Peugeot Station Wagon cars and eight Toyota Land Cruiser jeeps, all from ASD, Kaduna. The 23 Peugeot cars we gave to some members of the outfit but the jeeps were for Mustapha, myself, ADC, Aminu, Mohammed, Isiaku Doba, Lawal Arugungu and Lawal Rabo, O/C Mobile Ploice.
All the money was in my account. It was like this: The cheque was made out in the name of the Security Department. But Mustapha asked me to lodge it into my account. That means another cheque was made out in my name. Mustapha also told me to pay Major Muhammed and Mr. Ahmed Sabi of the SSS some money.
When Mustapha asked me to pay the cheque into my account and I asked why, he said we would use it to help ourselves. All through, I continued to give him an update on the state of the account.
The remaining N200 million was spent by Mustapha on miscellaneous. He bought a house at the cost of N25 million in Kano but he paid only N10 million. The remaining N15 million was written off for him as Public Relations. Mustapha gave out some on welfare, like the sum of N80 million.
But I had a problem over this account because I did not know Mustapha is a devil. He was the one who asked me to put the money in my account.
He was the person who told me how much to withdraw each time. He was the one who disbursed the money. Just like he was the one who had the final say on the security outfit. But each time he does not want to give anybody money he tells them it is Yakassai. And he says: “Go and look at his account. He has all the money.”
The 1995 Coup
The truth is that Abacha really wanted about six people to be killed. The six included Generals Olusegun Obasanjo and Musa Yar’Adua, Col. Gwadabe, Col. Fadile and Major Akinyemi (rtd). It was God that saved them.
When they were eventualIy jailed, Abacha ordered that I must confirm the state of health of all the main prisoners each time the prison authorities sent a distress call on their state of health. When I confirm, I have to get clearance from him through Mustapha and/or Gwarzo or directly from him at times before I go in company of other doctors and treat the person.
One of the greatest pains, one of the worst periods of my life was when I read that I might have injected YarAdua with poison. The truth about Yar’Adua and I is that he was the one who came between Abacha, Gwarzo, Mustapha on one side and I. The Inspector General of Police, Alhaji Coomassie, is alive and can bear me witness.
I saw Yar’Adua on December 1 or 2, I997. Mustapha called me because of the report he said he got from Abakaliki prisons that Yar’Adua was ill. In fact, the C-in—C called me too. I left for Abakaliki to see Yar’Adua. There, I met the prison doctor and a physician from UNTH Enugu. I have forgetten his name now but he limps a little. There also was CSP Obuah and I went with my nurse too. The physician from UNTH had been seeing Yar’Adua. He did not look like somebody who was going to die. But he was ill. ‘The then Militarv Administrator of Ebonyi State, Commander Feghagbo, too was there. He had an enlarged liver. Yar‘Adua was a chain smoker. We suspected cancer of the lungs or liver. I made my note in the prison exercise book. The physician from UNTH took Yar’Adua’s blood sample, not me.
We split the blood sample into two. He took half to UNTH to run tests and I took half too to run tests. But results confirmed a severely damaged liver which was almost failing. He had hepatitis too. We comfirmed Alfa Feetal protein. We took this result on Thursday and confirmed on Friday. It was then that the UNTH doctor told us to appoint him as Yar’Adua's doctor. I phoned Abuja and got permission. When both of us got the result, there was no change in Yar’Adua‘s condition. On Saturday he was better. Infact, on Sunday he was strong enough to play a game of lawn tennis. I went back to Abuja. But on Monday morning, Mustapha phoned me to tell me that he had a call from Abakaliki which told him Yar’Adua was very ill. He said the physician said he developed jaundice suddenly over-night
I rushed to Mustapha’s office to get permission to go, but Mustapha told me that the C-in-C had not come down, the prison authorities were waiting for permission to allow them transfer Yar’Adua to UNTH. But Mustapha said the C-in-C had not come down.
He did not say transfer. By I .00 p.m. when I had become frantic, I went to see Gwarzo to get permission from him. I met the IG of Police there. He too had come to see oga. When I told Gwarzo how urgent ‘it was, he said oga had not come down. I now said that it is better to pardon Yar’Adua so he can go and. take care of his health. But Gwarzo flared up.
I finally saw the.C-in-C by 3.00 p.m. and he gave permission. And we started organising the security. 1 phoned the Enugu and Ebonyi State Military Administrators to inform them that Yar’Adua was going to be transferredto UNTH Enugu. I then phoned the physician who told me Yar’Adua was slipping into a coma. This was 3.00p.m.
He was transferred to UNTH .1 arrived Enugu airport by 6.00p.m and by 700p.m. I was at UNTH where I met both the Enugu and Ebonyi State Military Administrators. They told me Yar’Adua was dead. They said he was in coma when he was brought to the hospital. And that he died in the hospital.
That was where my problem started with Abacha, Mustapha and Gwarzo I phoned Abuja-Mustapha and the ADC to the C-in-C and informed them of Yar’Adua's death, I asked them what to do. Because by this time, the prison-authorities had refused the body. The hospital too refused the body saying their mortuary was bad. Abuja ignored me completely. The Chief of Army Staff’s conference was going on in Enugu. Military officers were there.
The (Chief of Defence Staff, then Major-General Abdulsalami Abubakar (present C-in~C), was in Enugu and so was the Chief of Army Staff. Still, nobody informed Abubakar. They did not want him to know. I waited for Abuja to call us back, time was 300a.m. They did not. It was then I told the Military Administrator of Enugu State that:
“Look, Yar’Adua is a moslem, he is a prominent figure. He has died since 6.00 p.m. and this is 300a.m. and nobody from Abuja has cared to call us. I am willing to take a risk if you are willing. I want to take his body back to Katsina, to his people. He agreed to take the risk. It was then I phoned the IG of Police, Ibrahim Coomassie and briefed him on the situation and what I wanted to do. The IG responded at once: “If you do, I will be there to receive him.”
As soon as the IG told me this, I took an aircraft and put Yar’Adua’s body. I first flew him to Abuja to refuel. Neither Abacha, Gwarzo, ADC nor Mustapha knew I was in Abuja with his body. From the Abuja airport I called Mustapha. He thought I was still in Enugu and asked me to still wait. I did not tell him and this was how I took’ Yar’Adua’s body to Katsina. That was how the IG received his body. It was not a Federal Government’s delegation. The IG took off on his own. And thank God he did because he was the one who saved my life. In Katsina, they almost lynched me. The IG shielded me.
The truth is that Abacha, Gwarzo and Mustapha wanted Yar’ Adua to be buried in Abakaliki prisons like a common prisoner, a common criminal. And Yar’Adua was not a criminal, He did not do anything.
When I got hack to Abuja after Yar’Adua's burial, Abacha, Gwarzo and Mustapha refused to speak to me. But none of them had the courage to ask me, “Why did you take Yar’Adua’s body back to Katsina?” They knew what happened. First, they delayed to give permission early to transfer him to UNTH when the prison authorities notified them about his state of health. Second, they ignored him even in death. And people think there was a Federal Government delegation, that Abacha gave permission for’ his body to be taken home. He did not.
I am pained by the accusation that I injected Yar’Adua with poison. Allah knows the truth. The truth is that all through the period Yar’Adua was in jail, I never gave him any injection. I never took his blood sample. The only time I had anything to do with his blood sample was when his physician got his blood while he was ill, gave me half and took half. Anybody can cross-check this with the physician and prison authorities.
The medical reports are available. Nobody injected him with anything. The death certificate specifies the cause of death - primary liver cell carcimo.
Chief MKO Abiola
Abiola’s case is as traumatic to me as Yar’Adua’s case. I never saw Abiola alone. Many doctors were seeing him. Falomo, his doctor, was seeing him too. In my particular case, I never, ever saw him alone. I was always in company of other doctors - Charles Ogboma, Opong; Miner (from Aso Rock Clinic), two mobile policemen. I always saw him in company of about five to six people. At a point, Dr. Bako was withdrawn. I was not told why.
Of course, there was always a delay before we were allowed to see him. The delay was from Abacha and Mustapha. They have to give us permission to see him. He was their prisoner. Between two of them, they kept him in solitary detention. Not me. Each time we were allowed to see him we saw him promptly. Abiola had his own B/P apparatus. 1 remember once when Abiola complained that he had radiculopathy. It took three months before his doctor, or us were allowed to see him. When we saw him, however, we confirmed from tests that Abiola had no radiculopathy. there was no urgency to transter him to any hospital abroad.
Let me say here that the last time I saw Abiola was in September 1997. Abiola died in July I998. Again, let me say for the sake of Allah that at no time did Abiola complain all through the period I was seeing him, that he had a problem with his left side heart, never. Usually he complained of diarrhoea and headache. Then in early 1997, he complained of abdominal pains, but we found out he had what is commonly known as pile. So, we gave him suppositories and I reported his condition to Mustapha. When he complained of the state of his mattress, I used my money to buy him a new one.
Like in Yar’Adua’s case, I never ever gave Abiola any injection nor did I ever take his blood for any test. Unfortunately, Abiola is not here to confirm this, but the authorities know. All the doctors and personnel that were seeing Abiola with me know this.
Diya: The Airport Explosion
The explosion that almost killed Lt General Oladipo Diya took place on December 13, 1997 as he was on his way to the burial ceremony of the mother of Major-General Lawrence Onoja. It was at the Nnamdi Azikiwe International Airport, Abuja.
The truth is that the government lied when it said, through the Commissioner of Police, Abuja, that the explosion was an accident from a hand grenade. It was a bomb. The target was General Diya, Abacha and Mustapha wanted to finish him off. Others would have died with him. They used two boys. Both of them are dead. Both of them had the same names– Samaila.As a medical doctor, when the explosion happened, I was the first person to rush to the airport. But for my job 1 would have collapsed because of what I saw. One of the boys was blown to pieces. I was the one who meticulously packed his body in a paper bag. The other boy was half burnt. I was the one who took him to Gwagwalada General Hospital and told them it was an accident. I told them it was a car accident. He died two or three days later. But before he died, he spoke to me, almost in whispers, because he was very bad. He told me it was Mustapha who asked them to bomb Diya. I did not tell anybody this. The only person I told was Mustapha because he was my friend.
I told him: “Look at what Samaila told me before he died. But nobody else heard it because he spoke to me in whispers, for my ears only.” So only Mustapha did I tell. lt was Mustapha who sent them. Samaila told me clearly before he died.
The 1997 Diya Coup
I do not know how I got involved, but this is the story of how I knew. On December 20, 1997, Mustapha called me and told me there was a coup and I said: “No, I do not belive it.”
He flared up. In fact, I did not believe it. I did not take it seriously. I arrested Diya. I arrested him in a guest house. Then on January 5, Mustapha called me and asked me to pray hard. I asked:
“Why?” He said I could be arrested. He said Mohammed, one of us (jailed too) told him that he went to see General Adisa. And I asked: Did Adisa say he was planning a coup? Did he tell Mohammed he was planning a coup?”
He said no but that Mohammed said Adisa was grumbling. He said Mohammed said he told me that Adisa was grumbling. I said: “Yes, he told me but he told you too and he told everybody.” Mustapha told me this three times. Then, on Tuesday, January 6, by 7.00 am, one officer, Captain Umar,. came and told me that Mustapha wanted to see me in the office. Then, Umar told me to surrender my arms.
I knew the method. We have been arresting others. And we usually asked them to surrender arms. So, I knew they had come for me. I surrendered my arms and followed him. When I got there, Mustapha was in the office. They kept me where we could see each other. I was looking at him. They put handcuffs on me, He could not look at me.
They took me to Jos in handcuffs. And when Major General Chris Garuba saw me in handcuffs, he asked them to remove the handcuffs. He called Mohammed. He called both of us together and Mohammed told him that he only told me General Adisa was grumbling and that he told Mustapha and others the same thing. Major General Garuba discharged and acquitted me. He also discharged and acquitted Col. Bako. The letter of. our discharge and acquittal, copied to everybody was dated January 10, 1998 (see letter, boxed).
As soon as we were discharged, I left for Abuja. I went to my house. I was very happy. Stupidly, I still took Mustapha as my friend. So, I phoned him to tell him to rejoice with me, that I had been discharged and acquitted.. He was in Libya then. But that same night, some security men came to my house and said Mustapha said they should take me and keep me in the guest house. Then, Mustapha came back from Libya and did not get in touch with me. He refused to speak to us. (Bako and 1). But after three days, he sent people to come and apologise. They even brought a cheque for me to sign for them. The cheque was to the tune of N 500,000.00 (five hundred thousand naira) I gave it to a Squadron Leader and an SSS operative, Lawal Arugungu.
But the following day, I was asked to go back to Jos. When I got there, and Lieutenant Garuba saw me, he was furious, very furious. Then Col. Frank Omenka gave me a file and it contained “medical.” I asked: what is this? What is medical, but I told them what I thought they were referring to. It happened on December 20, that day Mustapha told me there was a coup. It concerned an SSS operative who was given chloroform to drink until he lost consciousness. He died later on. But before he died, he talked to me.
His name was Mohammed Sule. When Sule was brought to me, he was very bad, in a very bad shape. He was brought on the night of December 20, to the Villa. I resuscitated him. The following day, he was vomiting blood and passing blood. He told me it was Captain Bature who gave him the chloroform to drink. I recorded Sule. In fact, I recorded him on video. And I gave it to Mustapha. I do not know what they wanted but as soon as I told this story, the charge was dropped. I was discharged again by General Garuba. He told me I will get my letter. But Col. Frank told me: no, don’t go back to Abuja yet, go and stay in the officers’ guest house at Rukuba barracks, Jos. I was there for three weeks, doing nothing. From there, I even signed a cheque to the tune of four million naira for Mustapha.
Then one Monday morning, I was invited again to face another panel. This time, they made sure Garuba did not see me. I faced only Col. Frank. I was not allowed to see Garuba. Frank now asked me about the N500 million PTF money. And I told Frank it was easy, that it was Mustapha who was in charge of the money but that he told me to pay it into my account from where he controlled it. They even invited General Adisa who confirmed we bought 23 houses from his ministry at Gwarinpa Housing Estate, Abuja. So I was asked to write it down. As I was writing it down, a police officer came and took the papers from me, said I should stop. It was from there that I was now sent to Jos prisons and chained hands and legs to the ground for three weeks.
They now charged me for conspiracy to commit theft. The Special Military Tribunal (SMT) cleared me. Mustapha himself was invited. He knows the truth. The SMT found Mustapha guilty as an accomplice to theft. Yet, I am the one sentenced.to 14 years imprisonment. When Mustapha came to Jos, he denied even knowing me or anything about the PTF account. Yet, even when I was at Rukuba barracks, I signed a cheque to the tune of four million naira for them. He denied until he was shown the documents. But Malu stopped it and allowed Mustapha to go. But Malu is a nice, disciplined, decent officer, fair minded.
The truth is that Malu found only five people guilty. These were Generals Diya, Olarenwaju, Adisa, Major Fadipe and Akinyode (Military Assistant to Olarenwaju). He discharged and acquitted others. But Abacha told him: “NO.” That was part of the reasons the judgement was delayed. After everything, Malu had said he would read the judgement the next day. But the judgement never came until three weeks later.
They wanted to rope in as many people as possible. Even the Director-General of SSS, Peter Nwaoduah, an innocent man who did not know what they were doing, who they marginalised, they wanted to rope him in. Even the present CGS, Rear Admiral Mike Akhigbe, they wanted to rope him in.
Yomi Tokoya was badly tortured so that he would rope Akhigbe in. But he refused. Even the present Head of State, General Abubakar, they wanted to implicate him. Three times, Abacha asked them to bring out Diya. He spoke to Diya using satellite phone. He asked Diya to implicate General Abubakar. But Diya refused.
Plans to kill Diya and 15 Others
In June 1998, two attempts were made to kill 16 of us including Generals Diya, Olarenwaju and Adisa. But for the mercy of Allah, we would all have been dead by now.
The first attempt was on June 1. Those who arranged this were Sabo, Mustapha, Frank, Marmoni (SO) and Arugüngu (Military Police). That day, they came to Jos prison and put us in a Black Maria. We were still handcuffed and chained on the legs. They told us that Abacha wanted to see us, (to) talk to us and pardon us. We were on our way to the Jos airport but troops, sent by the GOC, 3rd Armoured Division, Major General Peter Sha, intercepted us and brought us back because nobody told the GOC. And I do not think any other person knew, Mustapha just wanted to kill us off. They wanted to bomb the aircraft carrying us.
The second attempt was on the 8th of June, the day Abacha died. We did not know Abacha had died. So, they came at about 9.00 a.m. and told us the C-in-C wanted to see us. We boarded a presidential jet but instead of taking us to Abuja, they took us to Kano, the 16 of us. We were handcuffed. In Kano, they put all of us in one small room. It had only one bed and one chair, nothing else. They left us there - no food. But in the right, they brought us very small food, very little. But Allah saved us. I just looked outside, and saw one of my boys, a member of the Strike Force. He saw me and beckoned to me.
So l went near the window. The boy told me “oga nobody knows you are here. It is only Mustapha. We are to kill you. But I will never participate.” The boy sneaked out. And I now told General Diya and others. We all began to pray. That is why Allah is wonderful because from nowhere, the boys started fighting among themselves. They never agreed on who would start the killing first. They fought and we heard them. It was later they told us Abacha was dead and so they stayed action. We were there from June 8 to July 14.
Coups Against Abacha
Since February 1996, there have been four coups against Abacha.
(I) Sokoto ‘96: The coup was to take place during the Chief of Army Staff’s conference in Sokoto. But because Abacha did not go, it was aborted. The plan was to kill him there and simultaneously take over in Abuja. But he did not come.
(2) Kotangora: “Exercise Eagle Eye”. This was going to be very bloody. But again we did not go. We knew what they planned. They were going to kill Abacha there. Before we used our boys to disorganise it. Our boys removed the safety pins in everything.
(3) Escravos: Again, Abacha was supposed to be there for an NNPC project. Escravos is sea-locked. If we had gone, they would have sealed off the place and that would have been it. But we did not go. It was when that one failed that they planned the 1997 coup. Unfortunately, Diya was the fall.
(4) 1997 Coup: There were two plans.Bamaiyi had told Diya that all the military commanders had decided to remove Abacha. Diya agreed because he thought he was dealing with a human being. He wanted to be Head of State too. But Bamaiyi had an alternative plan. Once he knew he had Diya’s attention, he went and told Abacha that Diya was planning a coup. He became a sort of Abacha plant. But there was a second plan. Troops had already been deployed from Keffi and 3 Guards Batalion. When it failed, they fell back on the Diya coup.
Abacha’s Hidden Agenda
Abacha was not able to sack or ar- rest Major General Ishaya Bamaiyi inspite of what he knew because he (Abacha) had a hidden agenda. Having used Bamaiyi to get rid of Diya, Olarenwaju and Adisa, he also wanted to use Col. Bako to get rid of Bamaiyi. In Jos, Abacha asked Bako to speak up about Bamaiyi but Bako refused to talk. If he had talked about Bamaiyi, Abacha would have caged Bamaiyi too. Then, he would have gotten rid of everybody.
Mustapha Killed Kudirat, Rewane
Mustapha is a naturally dull person. He is a dunce. But he thinks he is a super intelligent officer. Mustapha did not pass his Captain to Major promotion exam. The Military Secretary can prove this. Abacha, as CDS, begged for his promotion. That was how he was promoted. Because he was a dunce, he was always afraid of having intelligent people around him. He felt I wanted all the money. He wanted the boys to call him a saint. He supported all Abacha’s atrocities.
We knew the ones organised by the opposition. We knew the ones that were inside jobs. Twice, the Lagos State Military Administrator was targeted. They were inside jobs.
Mustapha. was the one who organised the killing of Rewane and Kudirat. For Kudirat, the officers used were:
(1) Lawal-OC MOPOL
(2) Samaila — Brigade of Guards
(3) Roger — Strike Force
(4) Col. Frank - DM1
He also embarked on ethnic cleaning. Examples:
(I) He implicated Maigari of Protocol department and replaced him with Dagari.
(2) He posted Lt. Col. Abdulmalik Jubril to Pakistan and replaced him with Lt. Col. Abdallah (Abacha’s) ADC, from his state, Yobe.
(3) He removed Major Idris and posted him to Yola.
(4) He removed Ibrahim and replaced him with Jidda from Maiduguri.
(5) He implicated Major Mohammed in the 1997 coup and replaced him as Admin Officer to the C-in-C with Major Biwatai from Yobe.
(6) He implicated Major Isyaku and replaced him as 0/C Artillery with Capt. Lawal from Nguru.
(7) He implicated Lt Col. Maina, he appeared before the SIP in 1995.
(8) He removed Lassa and replaced him with Dagam (MTO). And look at me. I do not know why I am implicated in the coup except that I guess they were not happy with me over:
(1) My decision to send Yar’Adua’s body to Katsina against their wishes that he be buried in Abakaliki prisons.
(2) That I knew about the Diya experience at the Abuja airport. They wanted to bomb him off.
(3) He felt I was close to Abacha and that I could become the CSO.
In Bako’s case, he was implicated because
(1) Mustapha’s wife was Bako’s girlfriend. Mustapha never forgave him.
(2) Being at NECON, he had a direct access to Abacha. And Mustapha hated that.
(3) He was close to Sambo Dasuki.
(4) There was a tink-tank for Abacha. And while Mustapha had no ideas, Bako had very bright ideas. Mustapha suspected Abacha wanted to make Bako Commander, Brigade of Guards.
Who Am I?
I was most shocked to hear that my qualification as a medical doctor is being queried by Falomo because I worked with evil minded people. Can Dr. Falomo explain what slow poison is? What is it? He should educate me. It appears to me that Dr. Falomo has nothing to do and has forgotten what medicine is all about. He should please try to go on a refresher course, especially on the pharmacology of poisons.
- I am a consultant gynaecologist.
- I am fellow of the West African College of Surgeons.
- I am an Associate Fellow of the Medical College of Obstetrician/ Gynaecologists.
- I am a member of the Royal College of Obstetrician/ Gynaecologists, England.
- I am a fellow of the International College of Surgeons.
- I was the ‘Consultant Gynaecologist, Aso Rock Clinic. I was National Coordinator, National Programme on Immunisation..
- I was medical consultant, Family Support Programme.
- I was the physician to the present C-in-C, when he was the CDS. I always treated/operated his family members.
- I am not making excuses for myself. But I am not a bad man. I worked with devils. Allah will take care of me. Because he knows the truth. God bless Nigeria.
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